Pompey, Julius Caesar and Augustus all visited the tomb in Alexandria, where Augustus, allegedly, accidentally knocked the nose off. Caligula was said to have taken Alexander's breastplate from the tomb for his own use. Around AD 200, Emperor Septimius Severus closed Alexander's tomb to the public. H
Pompey, Julius Caesar and Augustus all visited the tomb in Alexandria, where Augustus, allegedly, accidentally knocked the nose off. Caligula was said to have taken Alexander's breastplate from the tomb for his own use. Around AD 200, Emperor Septimius Severus closed Alexander's tomb to the public. His son and successor, Caracalla, a great admirer, visited the tomb during his own reign. After this, details on the fate of the tomb are hazy.[165]
The so-called "Alexander Sarcophagus", discovered near Sidon and now in the Istanbul Archaeology Museum, is so named not because it was thought to have contained Alexander's remains, but because its bas-reliefs depict Alexander and his companions fighting the Persians and hunting. It was originally thought to have been the sarcophagus of Abdalonymus (died 311 BC), the king of Sidon appointed by Alexander immediately following the battle of Issus in 331.[169][170] However, more recently, it has been suggested t
The so-called "Alexander Sarcophagus", discovered near Sidon and now in the Istanbul Archaeology Museum, is so named not because it was thought to have contained Alexander's remains, but because its bas-reliefs depict Alexander and his companions fighting the Persians and hunting. It was originally thought to have been the sarcophagus of Abdalonymus (died 311 BC), the king of Sidon appointed by Alexander immediately following the battle of Issus in 331.[169][170] However, more recently, it has been suggested that it may date from earlier than Abdalonymus' death.
Demades likened the Macedonian army, after the death of Alexander, to the blinded Cyclops, due to the many random and disorderly movements that it made.[171][172][173] In addition, Leosthenes, also, likened the anarchy between the generals, after Alexander's death, to the blinded Cyclops "who after he had lost his eye went feeling and groping about with his hands before him, not knowing where to lay them".[174]
Alexander's death was so sudden that when reports of his death reached Greece, they were not immediately believed.[60] Alexander had no obvious or legitimate heir, his son Alexander IV by Roxane being born after Alexander's death.[175] According to Diodorus, Alexander's companions asked him on his deathbed to whom he bequeathed his kingdom; his laconic reply was "tôi kratistôi"—"to the strongest".[144] Another theory is that his successors wilfully or erroneously misheard "tôi Kraterôi"—"to Craterus", the general leading his Macedonian troops home and newly entrusted with the regency of Macedonia.[176]
Arrian and Plutarch claimed that Alexander was speechless by this point, implying that this was an apocryphal story.[177] Diodorus, Curtius and Justin offered the more plausible story that Alexander passed his signet ring to Perdiccas, a bodyguard and leader of the companion cavalry, in front of witnesses, thereby nominating him.[144][175]
Perdiccas initially did not claim power, instead suggesting that Roxane's baby would be king, if male; with himself, Craterus, Leonnatus, and Antipater as guardians. However, the infantry, under the command of Meleager, rejected this arrangement since they had been excluded from the discussion. Instead, they supported Alexander's half-brother Philip Arrhidaeus. Eventually, the two sides reconciled, and after the birth of Alexander IV, he and Philip III were appointed joint kings, albeit in name only.[178]
Dissension and rivalry soon afflicted the Macedonians, however. The satrapies handed out by Perdiccas at the Partition of Babylon became power bases each general used to bid for pow
Arrian and Plutarch claimed that Alexander was speechless by this point, implying that this was an apocryphal story.[177] Diodorus, Curtius and Justin offered the more plausible story that Alexander passed his signet ring to Perdiccas, a bodyguard and leader of the companion cavalry, in front of witnesses, thereby nominating him.[144][175]
Perdiccas initially did not claim power, instead suggesting that Roxane's baby would be king, if male; with himself, Craterus, Leonnatus, and Antipater as guardians. However, the infantry, under the command of Meleager, rejected this arrangement since they had been excluded from the discussion. Instead, they supported Alexander's half-brother Philip Arrhidaeus. Eventually, the two sides reconciled, and after the birth of Alexander IV, he and Philip III were appointed joint kings, albeit in name only.[178]
Dissension and rivalry soon afflicted the Macedonians, however. The satrapies handed out by Perdiccas at the Partition of Babylon became power bases each general used to bid for power. After the assassination of Perdiccas in 321 BC, Macedonian unity collapsed, and 40 years of war between "The Successors" (Diadochi) ensued before the Hellenistic world settled into four stable power blocs: Ptolemaic Egypt, Seleucid Mesopotamia and Central Asia, Attalid Anatolia, and Antigonid Macedon. In the process, both Alexander IV and Philip III were murdered.[179]
Diodorus stated that Alexander had given detailed written instructions to Craterus some time before his death.[180] Craterus started to carry out Alexander's commands, but the successors chose not to further implement them, on the grounds they were impractical and extravagant.[180] Nevertheless, Perdiccas read Alexander's will to his troops.[60]
Alexander's will called for military expansion into the southern and western Mediterranean, monumental constructions, and the intermixing of Eastern and Western populations. It included:
Alexander earned the epithet "the Great" due to his unparalleled success as a military commander. He never lost a battle, despite typically being outnumbered.[59] This was due to use of terrain, phalanx and cavalry tactics, bold strategy, and the fierce loyalty of his troops.[182] The Macedonian phalanx, armed with the sarissa, a spear 6 metres (20 ft) long, had been developed and perfected by Philip II through rigorous training, and Alexander used its speed and manoeuvrability to great effect against larger but more disparate[clarification needed] Persian forces.[183] Alexander also recognized the potential for disunity among his diverse army, which employed various languages and weapons. He overcame this by being personally involved in battle,[89] in the manner of a Macedonian king.[182]
In his first battle in Asia, at Granicus, Alexander used only a small part of his forces, perhaps 13,000 infantry with 5,000 cavalry, against a much larger Persian force of 40,000.[184] Alexander placed the phalanx at the center and cavalry and archers on the wings, so that his line matched the length of the Persian cavalry line, about 3 km (1.86 mi). By contrast, the Persian infantry was stationed behind its cavalry. This ensured that Alexander would not be outflanked, while his phalanx, armed with long pikes, had a considerable advantage over the Persians' scimitars and javelins. Macedonian losses were negligible compared to those of the Persians.[185]
At Issus in 333 BC, his first confrontation with Darius, he used the same deployment, and again the central phalanx pushed through.[185] Alexander personally led the charge in the center, routing the opposing army.[186] At the decisive encounter with Darius at Gaugamela, Darius equipped his chariots with scythes on the wheels to break up the phalanx and equipped his cavalry with pikes. Alexander arranged a double phalanx, with the center advancing at an angle, parting when the chariots bore down and then reforming. The advance was successful and broke Darius' center, causing the latter to flee once again.[185]
When faced with opponents who used unfamiliar fighting techniques, such as in Central Asia and India, Alexander adapted his forces to his opponents' style. Thus, in Bactria and Sogdiana, Alexander successfully used his javelin throwers and archers to prevent outflanking movements, while massing his cavalry at the center.[186] In India, confronted by Porus' elephant corps, the Macedonians opened their ranks to envelop the elephants and used their sarissas to strike upwards and dislodge the elephants' handlers.[135]
Greek biographer Plutarch (c. 45 – c. 120 AD) describes Alexander's appearance as:
[184] Alexander placed the phalanx at the center and cavalry and archers on the wings, so that his line matched the length of the Persian cavalry line, about 3 km (1.86 mi). By contrast, the Persian infantry was stationed behind its cavalry. This ensured that Alexander would not be outflanked, while his phalanx, armed with long pikes, had a considerable advantage over the Persians' scimitars and javelins. Macedonian losses were negligible compared to those of the Persians.[185]At Issus in 333 BC, his first confrontation with Darius, he used the same deployment, and again the central phalanx pushed through.[185] Alexander personally led the charge in the center, routing the opposing army.[186] At the decisive encounter with Darius at Gaugamela, Darius equipped his chariots with scythes on the wheels to break up the phalanx and equipped his cavalry with pikes. Alexander arranged a double phalanx, with the center advancing at an angle, parting when the chariots bore down and then reforming. The advance was successful and broke Darius' center, causing the latter to flee once again.[185]
When faced with opponents who used unfamiliar fighting techniques, such as in Central Asia and India, Alexander adapted his forces to his opponents' style. Thus, in Bactria and Sogdiana, Alexander successfully used his javelin throwers and archers to prevent outflanking movements, while massing his cavalry at the center.[186] In India, confronted by Porus' elephant corps, the Macedonians opened their ranks to envelop the elephants and used their sarissas to strike upwards and dislodge the elephants' handlers.[135]
Greek biographer Plutarch (c. 45 – c. 120 AD) describes Alexander's appearance as:
The semi-legendary The semi-legendary Alexander Romance also suggests that Alexander exhibited heterochromia iridum: that one eye was dark and the other light.[188]
British his
British historian Peter Green provided a description of Alexander's appearance, based on his review of statues and some ancient documents:
Physically, Alexander was not prepossessing. Even by Macedonian standards he was very short, though stocky and tough. His beard was scanty, and he stood out against his hirsute Macedonian barons by going clean-shaven. His neck was in some way twisted, so that he appeared to be gazing upward at an angle. His eyes (one blue, one brown) revealed a dewy, feminine quality. He had a high complexion and a harsh voice.[189]
Historian and Egyptologist
Historian and Egyptologist Joann Fletcher has said that the Alexander had blond hair.[190]
Ancient aut
Ancient authors recorded that Alexander was so pleased with portraits of himself created by Lysippos that he forbade other sculptors from crafting his image.[191] Lysippos had often used the contrapposto sculptural scheme to portray Alexander and other characters such as Apoxyomenos, Hermes and Eros.[192] Lysippos' sculpture, famous for its naturalism, as opposed to a stiffer, more static pose, is thought to be the most faithful depiction.[193]
Some of Alexander's strongest personality traits formed in response to his parents. His mother had huge ambitions, and encouraged him to believe it was his destiny to conquer the Persian Empire.[189] Olympias' influence instilled a sense of destiny in him,[195] and Plutarch tells how his ambition "kept his spirit serious and lofty in advance of his years".[196] However, his father Philip was Alexander's most immediate and influential role model, as the young Alexander watched him campaign practically every year, winning victory after victory while ignoring severe wounds.[48] Alexander's relationship with his father forged the competitive side of his personality; he had a need to outdo his father, illustrated by his reckless behaviour in battle.[189] While Alexander worried that his father would leave him "no great or brilliant achievement to be displayed to the world",[197] he also downplayed his father's achievements to his companions.[189]
According to Plutarch, among Alexander's traits were a violent temper and rash, impulsive nature,[198] which undoubtedly contributed to some of his decisions.[189] Although Alexander was stubborn and did not respond well to orders from his father, he was open to reasoned debate.[199] He had a calmer side—perceptive, logical, and calculating. He had a great desire for knowledge, a love for philosophy, and was an avid reader.[200] This was no doubt in part due to Aristotle's tutelage; Alexander was intelligent and quick to learn.[189] His intelligent and rational side was amply demonstrated by his ability and success as a general.[198] He had great self-restraint in "pleasure
According to Plutarch, among Alexander's traits were a violent temper and rash, impulsive nature,[198] which undoubtedly contributed to some of his decisions.[189] Although Alexander was stubborn and did not respond well to orders from his father, he was open to reasoned debate.[199] He had a calmer side—perceptive, logical, and calculating. He had a great desire for knowledge, a love for philosophy, and was an avid reader.[200] This was no doubt in part due to Aristotle's tutelage; Alexander was intelligent and quick to learn.[189] His intelligent and rational side was amply demonstrated by his ability and success as a general.[198] He had great self-restraint in "pleasures of the body", in contrast with his lack of self-control with alcohol.[201]
Alexander was erudite and patronized both arts and sciences.[196][200] However, he had little interest in sports or the Olympic games (unlike his father), seeking only the Homeric ideals of honour (timê) and glory (kudos).[202] He had great charisma and force of personality, characteristics which made him a great leader.[175][198] His unique abilities were further demonstrated by the inability of any of his generals to unite Macedonia and retain the Empire after his death—only Alexander had the ability to do so.[175]
During his final years, and especially after the death of Hephaestion, Alexander began to exhibit signs of megalomania and paranoia.[148] His extraordinary achievements, coupled with his own ineffable sense of destiny and the flattery of his companions, may have combined to produce this effect.[203] His delusions of grandeur are readily visible in his will and in his desire to conquer the world,[148] in as much as he is by various sources described as having boundless ambition,[204][205] an epithet, the meaning of which has descended into an historical cliché.[206][207]
He appears to have believed himself a deity, or at least sought to deify himself.[148] Olympias always insisted to him that he was the son of Zeus,[20 During his final years, and especially after the death of Hephaestion, Alexander began to exhibit signs of megalomania and paranoia.[148] His extraordinary achievements, coupled with his own ineffable sense of destiny and the flattery of his companions, may have combined to produce this effect.[203] His delusions of grandeur are readily visible in his will and in his desire to conquer the world,[148] in as much as he is by various sources described as having boundless ambition,[204][205] an epithet, the meaning of which has descended into an historical cliché.[206][207]
He appears to have believed himself a deity, or at least sought to deify himself.[148] Olympias always insisted to him that he was the son of Zeus,[208] a theory apparently confirmed to him by the oracle of Amun at Siwa.[209] He began to identify himself as the son of Zeus-Ammon.[209] Alexander adopted elements of Persian dress and customs at court, notably proskynesis, a practice of which Macedonians disapproved, and were loath to perform.[105] This behaviour cost him the sympathies of many of his countrymen.[210] However, Alexander also was a pragmatic ruler who understood the difficulties of ruling culturally disparate peoples, many of whom lived in kingdoms where the king was divine.[211] Thus, rather than megalomania, his behaviour may simply have been a practical attempt at strengthening his rule and keeping his empire together.[212]
Alexander married three times: Roxana, daughter of the Sogdian nobleman Oxyartes of Bactria,[213][214][215] out of love;[216] and the Persian princesses Stateira II and Parysatis II, the former a daughter of Darius III and latter a daughter of Artaxerxes III, for political reasons.[217][218] He apparently had two sons, Alexander IV of Macedon by Roxana and, possibly, Heracles of Macedon from his mistress Barsine. He lost another child when Roxana miscarried at Babylon.[219][220]
Alexander also had a close relationship with his friend, general, and bodyguard Hephaestion, the son of a Macedonian noble.[138][189][221] Hephaestion's death devastated Alexander.[138][222] This event may have contributed to Alexander's failing health and detached mental state during his final months.[148][157]
Alexander's sexuality has been the subject of speculation and controversy in modern times.