320px|right|thumb|Hypothetical Kuznets curve. Empirically observed curves aren't smooth or symmetrical—see reference
for examples of "real" curves.
The Kuznets curve () expresses a hypothesis advanced by economist Simon Kuznets
in the 1950s and 1960s. According to this hypothesis, as an economy develops
, market forces
first increase and then decrease economic inequality
The Kuznets curve appeared to be consistent with experience at the time it was proposed. However, since the 1960s, inequality has risen in the US and other developed countries. According to estimates put forward by Thomas Piketty
inequality has now returned to the levels of the late 19th century.
Kuznets ratio and Kuznets curve
The Kuznets ratio is a measurement of the ratio of income going to the highest-earning households (usually defined by the upper 20%) to income going to the lowest-earning households,
[Kuznets, Simon. 1955. Economic Growth and Income Inequality. ''American Economic Review'' 45 (March): 1–28.]
which is commonly measured by either the lowest 20% or lowest 40% of income. Comparing 20% to 20%, a completely even distribution is expressed as 1; 20% to 40% changes this value to 0.5.
Kuznets curve diagrams show an inverted U curve, although variables along the axes are often mixed and matched, with inequality or the Gini coefficient
on the Y axis and economic development, time or per-capita incomes on the X axis.
One explanation of such a progression suggests that early in development
, investment opportunities for those who have money multiply, while an influx of cheap rural labor to the cities holds down wages. Whereas in mature economies, human capital
accrual (an estimate of cost that has been incurred but not yet paid) takes the place of physical capital accrual as the main source of growth; and inequality slows growth by lowering education levels because poorer, disadvantaged people lack finance for their education in imperfect credit-markets.
The Kuznets curve implies that as a nation
– and especially the mechanization of agriculture – the center of the nation's economy will shift to the cities. As internal migration
by farmers looking for better-paying jobs in urban hubs causes a significant rural-urban inequality gap (the owners of firms would be profiting, while laborers from those industries would see their incomes rise at a much slower rate and agricultural workers would possibly see their incomes decrease), rural populations decrease as urban populations increase. Inequality is then expected to decrease when a certain level of average income is reached and the processes of industrialization – democratization
and the rise of the welfare state
– allow for the benefits from rapid growth
, and increase the per-capita income. Kuznets believed that inequality would follow an inverted "U" shape as it rises and then falls again with the increase of income per-capita.
Kuznets had two similar explanations for this historical phenomenon:
# workers migrated from agriculture to industry; and
# rural workers moved to urban jobs.
In both explanations, inequality will decrease after 50% of the shift force switches over to the higher paying sector.
Inequality has risen in most developed countries since the 1960s, so that graphs of inequality over time no longer display a Kuznets curve. Piketty has argued that the decline in inequality over the first half of the 20th century was a once-off effect due to the destruction of large concentrations of wealth by war and economic depression.
The Kuznets curve and Development Economics
Critics of the Kuznets curve theory argue that its U-shape comes not from progression in the development of individual countries, but rather from historical differences between countries. For instance, many of the middle income countries used in Kuznets' data set were in Latin America
, a region with historically high levels of inequality. When controlling for this variable, the U-shape of the curve tends to disappear (e.g. Deininger and Squire, 1998). Regarding the empirical evidence, based on large panels of countries or time series approaches, Fields (2001) considers the Kuznets hypothesis refuted.
The East Asian miracle (EAM) has been used to criticize the validity of the Kuznets curve theory. The rapid economic growth of eight East Asian countries—Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore (Four Asian Tigers
), Indonesia, Thailand, and Malaysia—between 1965 and 1990, was called the East Asian miracle. Manufacturing and export grew quickly and powerfully. Yet simultaneously, life expectancy was found to increase and population levels living in absolute poverty decreased. This development process was contrary to the Kuznets curve theory. Many studies have been done to identify how the EAM was able to ensure that the benefits of rapid economic growth were distributed broadly among the population, because Kuznets' theory stated that rapid capital accumulation would lead to an initial increase in inequality.
argues the East Asian experience of an intensive and successful economic development process along with an immediate decrease in population inequality can be explained by the immediate re-investment of initial benefits into land reform (increasing rural productivity, income, and savings), universal education (providing greater equality and what Stiglitz calls an "intellectual infrastructure" for productivity
), and industrial policies that distributed income more equally through high and increasing wages and limited the price increases of commodities. These factors increased the average citizen's ability to consume and invest within the economy, further contributing to economic growth. Stiglitz highlights that the high rates of growth provided the resources to promote equality, which acted as a positive-feedback loop to support the high rates of growth. The EAM defies the Kuznets curve, which insists growth produces inequality, and that inequality is a necessity for overall growth.
Lecturer Gabriel Palma recently found no evidence for a 'Kuznets curve' in inequality:
"e statistical evidence for the 'upwards' side of the 'Inverted-U' between inequality and income per capita seems to have vanished, as many low and low-middle income countries now have a distribution of income similar to that of most middle-income countries (other than those of Latin America and Southern Africa). That is, half of Sub-Saharan Africa and many countries in Asian, including India, China and Vietnam, now have an income distribution similar to that found in North Africa, the Caribbean and the second-tier NICs. And this level is also similar to that of half of the first-tier NICs, the Mediterranean EU and the Anglophone OECD (excluding the US). As a result, about 80% of the world population now live in countries with a Gini around 40."
Palma goes on to note that, among middle-income countries, only those in Latin America and Southern Africa live in an inequality league of their own. Instead of a Kuznets curve, he breaks the population into deciles and examines the relationship between their respective incomes and income inequality. Palma then shows that there are two distributional trends taking place in inequality within a country:
"One is 'centrifugal', and takes place at the two tails of the distribution—leading to an increased diversity across countries in the shares appropriated by the top 10 percent and bottom forty percent. The other is 'centripetal', and takes place in the middle—leading to a remarkable uniformity across countries in the share of income going to the half of the population located between deciles 5 to 9."
Therefore, it is the share of the richest 10% of the population that affects the share of the poorest 40% of the population with the middle to upper-middle staying the same across all countries.
In ''Capital in the Twenty-First Century
'', Thomas Piketty
denies the effectiveness of the Kuznets curve. He points out that in some rich countries, the level of income inequality in 21st century has exceeded that in the second decades of 20th century, proposing the explanation that when the rate of return
on capital is greater than the rate of economic growth
over the long term, the result is the concentration of wealth.
Kuznets' own caveats
In a biography about Simon Kuznets' scientific methods, economist Robert Fogel
noted Kuznets' own reservations about the "fragility of the data" which underpinned the hypothesis. Fogel notes that most of Kuznets' paper was devoted to explicating the conflicting factors at play. Fogel emphasized Kuznets' opinion that "even if the data turned out to be valid, they pertained to an extremely limited period of time and to exceptional historical experiences." Fogel noted that despite these "repeated warnings", Kuznets' caveats were overlooked, and the Kuznets curve was "raised to the level of law" by other economists.
Inequality and trade liberalization
Dobson and Ramlogan's research looked to identify the relationship between inequality and trade liberalization
. There have been mixed findings with this idea – some developing countries have experienced greater inequality, less inequality, or no difference at all, due to trade liberalization. Because of this, Dobson and Ramlogan suggest that perhaps trade openness can be related to inequality through a Kuznets curve framework.
A trade liberalization-versus-inequality graph measures trade openness along the x-axis and inequality along the y-axis. Dobson and Ramlogan determine trade openness by the ratio of exports and imports (the total trade) and the average tariff rate; inequality is determined by gross primary school enrolment rates, the share of agriculture in total output, the rate of inflation, and cumulative privatization.
By studying data from several Latin American countries that have implemented trade liberalization policies in the past 30 years, the Kuznets curve seems to apply to the relationship between trade liberalization and inequality (measured by the GINI coefficient).
However, many of these nations saw a shift from low-skill labour production to natural resource intensive activities. This shift would not benefit low-skill workers as much. So although their evidence seems to support the Kuznets theory in relation to trade liberalization, Dobson and Ramlogan assert that policies for redistribution must be simultaneously implemented in order to mitigate the initial increase in inequality.
Environmental Kuznets curve
The environmental Kuznets curve (EKC) is a hypothesized relationship between environmental quality and GDP growth: according to its argument, various indicators of environmental degradation tend to get worse as modern economic growth occurs until average income reaches a certain point over the course of development, at which point some studies have argued, they improve. It first became popular as introduced by Gene Grossman and Paul Krueger in their working paper: "Environmental Impacts of a North American Free Trade Agreement."
Outside of an EKC relationship for local pollutants, e.g. not greenhouse gas emisions, the evidence is overwhelmingly against the veracicty of EKCs;7
26] and even pertaining to local emissions, it is importatnt to note that more than three times as many (8.7 million) people a year die of local pollutants than have died from Covid-19.7
28] The EKC is a poor, and given this, extremely destructive, guide to policy.9
The applicability of the EKC is debatable when it comes to non-air pollutants, some natural resource use, and biodiversity conservation. For example, energy, land and resource use (sometimes called the "ecological footprint
") may not fall with rising income.
While the ratio of energy ''per real GDP
'' has fallen, ''total'' energy use is still rising in most developed countries as are ''total'' emission of many greenhouse gases
. Additionally, the status of many key "ecosystem services
" provided by ecosystems, such as freshwater provision (Perman, ''et al''., 2003), soil fertility, and fisheries, have continued to decline in developed countries. Proponents of the EKC argue that this varied relationship does not necessarily invalidate the hypothesis, but instead that the applicability of the Kuznets curves to various environmental indicators may differ when considering different ecosystems, economics, regulatory schemes, and technologies, meaning that the EKC is no longer correctly named, nor valid as a theory as it does not apply to the natural environment as a whole and because factors other than income are driving environmental improvement.
At least one critic argues that the US is still struggling to attain the income level necessary to prioritize certain environmental pollutants such as carbon emissions, which have yet to follow the EKC.
Yandle ''et al.'' argue that the EKC has not been found to apply to carbon because most pollutants create localized problems like lead and sulfur, so there are a greater urgency and response to cleaning up such pollutants. As a country develops, the marginal value of cleaning up such pollutants makes a large direct improvement to the quality of citizens' lives. Conversely, reducing carbon dioxide emissions does not have a dramatic impact at a local level, so the impetus to clean them up is only for the altruistic reason of improving the global environment. This becomes a tragedy of the commons
where it is most efficient for everyone to pollute and for no one to clean up, and everyone is worse as a result (Hardin, 1968). Thus, even in a country like the US with a high level of income, carbon emissions are not decreasing in accordance with the EKC.
However, there seems to be little consensus about whether EKC is formed with regard to CO2
emissions, as CO2
is a global pollutant that has yet to prove its validity within Kuznet's Curve.
That said, Yandle ''et al.'' also concluded that "policies that stimulate growth (trade liberalization
, economic restructuring
, and price reform
) should be good for the environment".
Other critics point out that researchers also disagree about the shape of the curve when longer-term time scales are evaluated. For example, Millimet and Stengos regard the traditional "inverse U" shape as actually being an "N" shape, indicating that pollution increases as a country develops, decreases once the threshold GDP is reached, and then begins increasing as national income continues to increase. While such findings are still being debated, it could prove to be important because it poses the concerning question of whether pollution actually begins to decline for good when an economic threshold is reached or whether the decrease is only in local pollutants and pollution is simply exported to poorer developing countries. Levinson concludes that the environmental Kuznets curve is insufficient to support a pollution policy regardless whether it is laissez-faire
, although the literature has been used this way by the press.
Arrow ''et al.'' argue pollution-income progression of agrarian communities (clean) to industrial economies (pollution intensive) to service economies (cleaner) would appear to be false if pollution increases again at the end due to higher levels of income and consumption of the population at large.
A difficulty with this model is that it lacks predictive power because it is highly uncertain how the next phase of economic development will be characterized.
Suri and Chapman argue that the EKC is not applicable on the global scale, as a net pollution reduction may not actually be occurring globally. Wealthy nations have a trend of exporting the activities that create the most pollution, like manufacturing of clothing and furniture, to poorer nations that are still in the process of industrial development (Suri and Chapman, 1998). This could mean that as the world's poor nations develop, they will have nowhere to export their pollution. Thus, this progression of environmental clean-up occurring in conjunction with economic growth cannot be replicated indefinitely because there may be nowhere to export waste and pollution-intensive processes. However, Gene Grossman
and Alan B. Krueger
, the authors who initially made the correlation between economic growth, environmental clean-up, and the Kuznets curve, conclude that there is "no evidence that environmental quality deteriorates steadily with economic growth."
Stern warns "it is very easy to do bad econometrics
", and says "the history of the EKC exemplifies what can go wrong". He finds that "little or no attention has been paid to the statistical properties of the data used such as serial dependence or stochastic trends in time series and few tests of model adequacy have been carried out or presented. However, one of the main purposes of doing econometrics is to test which apparent relationships
... are valid and which are spurious correlation
s". He states his unequivocal finding: "When we do take such statistics into account and use appropriate techniques we find that the EKC does not exist (Perman and Stern 2003). Instead, we get a more realistic view of the effect of economic growth and technological changes on environmental quality. It seems that most indicators of environmental degradation are monotonically rising in income though the 'income elasticity
' is less than one and is not a simple function of income alone. Time-related effects reduce environmental impacts in countries at all levels of income. However, in rapidly growing middle income countries the scale effect, which increases pollution and other degradation, overwhelms the time effect. In wealthy countries, growth is slower, and pollution reduction efforts can overcome the scale effect. This is the origin of the apparent EKC effect".
Furthermore, The EKC cannot revert permanent environmental damage such as biodiversity, old-growth forest and ice-cap loss. Much destruction will occur along an EKC path that cannot be reversed no matter how drastically environmental damage flows were to change signs, even if an EKC were in fact an accurate predictor, which it has not been reasonably shown to be.
* Clean growth
* Low-carbon economy
* Bright green environmentalism#Currents
* Brenner, Y.S., Hartmut Kaelble, and Mark Thomas (1991): ''Income Distribution in Historical Perspective''. Cambridge University Press.
* Shafik, N., "Economic Development and Environmental Quality: An Econometric Analysis", Oxford Economic Papers, New Series, Vol. 46, Special Issue on Environmental Economics (Oct., 1994), pp. 757–773.
* Includes links to Further reading:
Category:Environmental social science concepts